Stevens Is Only the Tip of the Iceberg

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Stevens Is Only the Tip of the Iceberg

All Statements Should Be Published and All Commitments Implemented

The Stevens' Interim Report on collusion – leading to murder and injury – between loyalist para-military groups, the Special Branch and the British Army's Force Research Unit

“Republicans Must Remain Resolute”

IRA Statement

This “War on Terror” Threatens Us All

The London Political Forum

Collusion was planned, organised and politically cleared at the highest levels

Published by the Sinn Féin Press Office, Dublin, April 22, 2003

Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP, MLA today gave the main oration at the Easter commemoration at Carrickmore, in County Tyrone. Mr Adams last spoke at Carrickmore five years ago, a few days after the Good Friday Agreement was achieved. Below are extracts of his speech.

            Mr Adams said:

            Ireland's struggle for freedom has produced many heroes. Men and women of enormous courage and self-sacrifice who were and are prepared to give everything in the cause of Irish freedom. As we honour the men and women of 1916, let us also remember all of those republicans who in this and previous generations gave their lives for Irish freedom. We remember in particular republican patriots from County Tyrone and pay tribute to them. They were ordinary men and women who in extraordinary and difficult circumstances found the inner strength, determination and courage to stand against injustice and oppression, and to demand the rights and entitlements of the Irish people. They had the vision to see beyond the conflict, beyond the centuries of occupation, and to embrace the republican spirit of Tone, of Pearse and Connolly, and to stand up for truth and justice, for liberty and equality. I also want to salute their families and to particularly welcome those who are with us here today. Céad míle failte romhaibh.

Irish republicanism

            Sinn Féin is an Irish republican party. Our strategy to achieve a united, independent Ireland marks us out from other Irish political parties. Republicanism is about the people. It's about self-determination and democracy. Two concepts denied to the Irish people for many centuries by Britain's involvement in our affairs. Irish republicanism has a vision of a new society that is democratic. That is economic as well as political. A society which is inclusive of all citizens. A society in which there is a redistribution of wealth for the well being of the aged, for the advancement of youth, for the liberation of women and the protection of our children. It foresees a new relationship between these islands resting upon our mutual independence and mutual respect. Our republicanism is about change - fundamental, deep-rooted change. It's about empowering people to make that change.

            That means we have to be agents of change. This is an enormous responsibility and challenge but it is a challenge that I believe this generation of Irish republicans will achieve. The people of this island have the right to be free. To live free from discrimination and inequality, without violence and conflict. Free to shape our own destiny - our own sovereignty. We have the right to be free from division, foreign occupation, and injustice.

Building a new republic

            That means building a republic worthy of the suffering and sacrifice of all of those who have gone before us. But no party can bring about change on its own. We can mobilise, organise and represent - and Sinn Féin is doing all of those things. But it is the people who must bring about change. Sinn Féin has grown through hard work, determination and strategic planning. We are closer now than ever to delivering our goals because we have increased our political strength election after election. The introduction of the new registration system is designed to stem the growth of our political strength and our capacity to deliver a united Ireland - Don't let them away with this in May. With this in mind make every vote count

            We go into the election with a unique message - a unique vision. Sinn Féin is the only all-Ireland party and we are the only party with the strategy and policies to achieve Irish Unity and Independence. And here in West Tyrone you set an example for the rest of us the last Westminster election. While sections of the media, political pundits and all our political opponents promoted and predicted that the SDLP would win this seat, republican west Tyrone had a different story to tell.

Political crisis

            As everyone knows Sinn Féin and the two governments have been involved in intensive discussions in an effort to find a resolution to the current impasse. Sinn Féin has stated our opposition to sanctions which are outside the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. And while we have criticised the Irish government on this issue, I have to acknowledge that the Irish government, the Taoiseach and some of the senior officials, have played a particularly active role over the recent period. They have persisted when others were less resilient.

            But one of the principal difficulties is the way that Unionists have left the main negotiations to the British. This brings a fault line into the process. Unionists need to stand on their own feet. We want to do a deal with them. The big question is do they want to do a deal with us at this time? Unionists say they want clarity and certainty from republicans. Let me tell you that what the IRA is saying to them is very clear indeed. It is unprecedented, to the point that perhaps some of you may think the Army has gone too far. What unionists actually want is a surrender. What we want is for everyone to keep to their commitments and for a negotiated process of conflict resolution to be brought to completion. And that includes certainty and clarity about future UUP intentions.

            The SDLP have also been absent from the negotiation. Instead, for short-term party political advantage, they have engaged in attacks on Sinn Féin, replicating the UUP demands while making no similar call for the UUP to make its position clear. Some of the comments of senior SDLP spokespersons would make Jeffrey Donaldson look like a moderate.

Collusion

            The publication of the Stevens Report brought a media focus again to the issue of collusion. Watching it being reported it was as if the media and other political representatives were hearing about this for the first time. Their words of shock and horror that the state was involved in killing citizens, through the use of agents within unionist death squads, will have offended many nationalists and republicans. Across this island there are countless families who have suffered at first hand from the activities of these agents, and the agencies who were responsible for their actions. Many will also have been offended by the presentation of collusion as a phenomena that only existed in the late 1980s and which was the responsibility of rogue elements or a few bad apples. On the contrary this was a matter of policy and administrative practice for the British war machine. Let's be clear. The British Army Land Operations manual defined counter-insurgency strategy as, “Liaison with, and organisation, training and control of, friendly guerrilla forces operating against the common enemy.”

            Collusion was planned, organised and politically cleared at the highest levels. It was widespread in the 1970s with a variety of British agencies including the Military Reaction Force - the MRF - the 39th Brigade Intelligence, as well as the Special Branch, all engaged in providing information, training and weapons to kill citizens. Those who carried out the Dublin Monaghan bomb attacks, or who killed Sinn Féin Councillor Eddie Fullerton in Donegal were part of this web of collusion that British agencies began constructing in the north from 1970. And here in County Tyrone we saw some of the most brutal and brazen examples of collusion. Pensioner Roseanne Mallon, Patrick Shanaghan, Kathleen O Hagan, Dermott Hackett and the four men from Cappagh, John Quinn, Dwayne O Donnell, Malcolm Nugent, whose names are on the Tyrone Roll of Honour, and Thomas Armstrong. These and many others were victims of collusion. This list goes on and on and on. Hundreds died.

            And this brings us back to negotiations. The logic of Sinn Féin's negotiating strategy has been validated by the Stevens report. It has provided us with a glimpse into the role of the Special Branch in killing citizens. And Stevens is only the tip of the iceberg. So, we want to know, and the families of the victims have a right to know;

·          Who authorised this policy of assassination?

·          How many died as a result of it?

·          Where are those who authorised this now?

·          Will they be held accountable?

·          And what steps are being taken to stop it?

·          Because the reality is that collusion is still going on.

Reaching out to Unionism

            There will be a united Ireland. And our task, and that of all sensible Irish political leaders, should be to prepare for reunification. I am not saying this to frighten or de-stabilise unionism but because I believe that many unionists also recognise the change that is taking place. Consequently, their fears and worries of the future must be addressed in a comprehensive manner. We have to be prepared to give assurances and guarantees and to commit to protecting the rights of every citizen, without exception. Winning unionists over to republicanism will not be easy, but it is not impossible. Many unionists are already very conscious of the way in which successive British governments and unionist leaderships used and abused and exploited them. Many look around at their unionist working class areas, which face enormous social and economic problems. Families, the elderly and the young, are weighed down with poverty, deprivation and a sense of despair. We have to reach out to them. We have to show them by our words and our actions, or our non-actions, that Sinn Féin - that Irish republicanism, always a generous philosophy - is their future. That together we can build a future of equals on this island that empowers, and enriches and cherishes all the children of the nation equally.

Published by the Sinn Féin Press Office, Dublin, April 22, 2003

Speaking at an Easter Commemoration in Ardoyne, North Belfast this afternoon Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP said: "Sinn Féin is certainly committed to making this process work. So too, in my opinion, is the IRA. It has demonstrated its support for the process on many occasions. That is why I say that a deal is now do-able if there is the political will and if the dealmakers are prepared to move forward now." Mr Adams said: "It is our view, and we have stated it often, that all statements should be published and that all commitments contained in them should be implemented." He continued:

            There has been an understandable public focus on the efforts to restart the political process and the failure so far to achieve this.

            In the flurry of words, of claim and counter-claim, one thing has become obscured. That is that the issues which are the core of the Good Friday Agreement are the rights and entitlements of citizens.

            Of course the political institutions cannot function unless the political parties are committed to them. But all the other issues, in particular the issues of equality – equality of opportunity and parity of esteem – are basic and fundamental rights to which there can be no pre-conditions or caveats.

            The acknowledgement by the two governments that they have yet fulfil the Good Friday Agreement is at the heart of the current negotiations. Both governments admitted this failure and committed themselves to fully implement outstanding aspects of the Agreement. 

            As the Taoiseach said on Sunday, “They impact on all the key areas – policing, criminal justice, security normalisation, (or demilitarisation as we would put it), and the entrenchment of human rights and equality at the heart of the new dispensation.”

            The governments were to publish a Joint Declaration. In negotiations with them going back to last autumn Sinn Féin made it clear that we wanted to see time-framed implementation plans which in a transparent way set out a programme for the completion of the Agreement.

            In their Joint Declaration the governments also made certain demands of the IRA. Now we are told that the governments will only publish their proposals when they are satisfied with the IRAs response to them.

            Our party leadership has worked with a will to bring about mutually satisfactory closure to this phase of negotiations. It is our view, and we have stated it often, that all statements should be published and that all commitments contained in them should be implemented. The governments say No. At least at this time.

            But if they refuse to publish their proposals what will be achieved?

            Are we being told that people rights and entitlements will be withheld?

            Are we being told that the outstanding aspects of the Agreement which impact “on all the key areas – policing, criminal justice, security normalisation, (or demilitarisation as we would put it), and the entrenchment of human rights and equality at the heart of the new dispensation” are not going to be implemented?

            We are told that the problem lies in a lack of clarity in the IRA statement which is in possession of the two governments. There is no lack of clarity in this statement. Maybe the problem is that it does not use the exact words prescribed by the British government. But the statement is very clear about IRA intentions. It has also been welcomed by both governments as being positive and showing a desire to make the peace process work. Such an IRA statement and such a response from the two governments would have been unthinkable a decade ago. It therefore defies logic that the governments appear to be rejecting this development and the potential it contains.

            There has to be common sense in these matters.

            No one expects that P O Neill should write the Joint Declaration for the two governments. Alistair Campbell, the British Prime Minister's senior PR person, would not expect or be expected to act as spokesperson for the IRA.

            If the problem at the moment is genuinely about the need to restore confidence in the process then in my view there is enough in all of the statements and commitments contained in them to do this. In other words there is the makings of a deal. What are needed now are dealmakers.

            This brings us to the unionists. Do they want a deal at this time? Are there dealmakers in the UUP leadership?

            If there is a political will, this process can be brought forward at this time, building on the progress made and creating both stability and confidence as we collectively fulfil our responsibilities.

            This needs everyone. The two governments the Ulster Unionist Party and us, and the other parties working together.

            I know there is a lot of unease within the republican constituency, especially within the activist constituency. There is also a lot of anger at the way in which the process has been manipulated. But this is a time for steady nerves and cool heads.

            Here in the republican heartland of Ardoyne, in the hinterland of north Belfast you don't need to be told about the rights and wrongs of the situation. You didn't need a Stevens Report to tell you there is collusion. You experienced it at first hand.

            In north Belfast there has been what amounts to a continuous pogrom against beleaguered nationalist communities.

            Hundreds of families and homes have been attacked. Primary school girls and their parents endured months of sectarian abuse and physical attack going and coming from school. 

            Catholics were killed by unionist paramilitary murder gangs and some young protestant people were killed in the mistaken belief that they were Catholics.

            There has also been provocation by the British Crown Forces, and the PSNI.

            So no one needs peace more than the people of areas like this.

            No one needs equality, no one needs their rights, more than you do. And no one has been more resilient or determined or tenacious in struggling for these rights than people like yourselves. And when we say equality we mean equality for all.

            Republicans are absolutely clear about that.

            We do not want to visit upon unionists what their old regime or successive British governments inflicted upon us.

            The spirit and the letter of the 1916 Proclamation is about cherishing all the children of the nation equally.

            That means change, real change, in the same way that real peace demands justice.

            That is why in the time ahead there will be a need for continued discipline within The republican constituency especially in areas like this which are on the frontline and which are targeted on an ongoing basis by reactionary elements who are afraid of change.

            They may seize upon this impasse in the process. They may be more provocative in the time ahead in their efforts to wreck the vehicle of change. They want to destroy it and their tools are bigotry and sectarianism.

            They need to be starved of anything that would feed into their efforts. That means that Irish republicans need a deep well of patience. We have to show by our words and our actions, or non- actions that we can advance our struggle in the time ahead.

            Republicanism is a generous philosophy.

            The bigots, securocrats, the unionist paramilitaries and their handlers are about trying to wreck this process.

            The unionist leaderships seem to be fixated with slowing down and frustrating change. Who can blame them if the governments are holding back on measures which they admit are needed to fully implement outstanding aspects of the Agreement. The failure to move now encourages those who want to stop all progress.

            They will not and they cannot succeed. Of course they can delay progress. But they cannot stop it. But they should not be pandered to. Sinn Féin is certainly committed to making this process work. So to in my opinion is the IRA, it has demonstrated its support for the process on many occasions. That is why I say that a deal is now do-able if there is the political will and if the dealmakers are prepared to move forward now.

            Only the two governments have the answer to that question.

            For our part SF remains wedded to our objectives. In the short to medium term that means being part of the process of change. At times indeed we are the engine for change.

            The 1916 Proclamation is our core manifesto. We want a new republic on this island.

The Interim Report by Sir John Stevens, the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, into collusion between the RUC's Special Branch, the British Army's Force Research Unit and loyalist paramilitaries was published on April 17. It finds that there was collusion over a long period of time which led to the murder and serious injury of people targeted in the Catholic community in the north of Ireland.

            Sir John Stevens concludes that the murder of Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane in February 1989 and of others could "have been prevented" if the security forces had not been involved in the plots. The Finucane family called "upon the British Government once again to establish a full independent judicial public inquiry into the murder of Patrick Finucane and the policy of collusion with Loyalist paramilitaries".

PRESS STATEMENT ON BEHALF OF THE FINUCANE FAMILY

16th APRIL 2003 – FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

In advance of the delivery of the report by Sir John Stevens into allegations of collusion, Michael Finucane stated:

            "The completion of Stevens III has been anticipated for some time and there have been widespread advance leaks of parts of the report in newspapers like The Guardian and The Daily Telegraph. The persistent claim by Sir John Stevens and other members of his team – notably Hugh Orde – was that publication would be extensive and frank. Despite this, the completion and publication of the report has been postponed a number of times which has given rise to concerns that the report itself was subject to political pressure. It is now clear that those concerns were justified as nothing more than a 15-page summary is expected.

            The latest Stevens report is an embodiment of broken promises and dishonoured commitments. It carries the hallmark of all of Stevens' work in Northern Ireland: secrecy and repression. This hallmark has, for over 15 years, been synonymous with Stevens' work. The latest report has taken four years to deliver and cost the public STG£4 million. The Stevens team claim to have interviewed 15,000 people, catalogued 4000 exhibits, taken 5640 statements and seized 6000 documents. None of this is available for public scrutiny. The only elements of the Stevens investigation that are open to public scrutiny are the failed proceedings against journalist Ed Moloney and the failed prosecution of the late William Stobie.

            This report is widely believed to be some sort of 'systems analysis'; an examination of what went wrong in Northern Ireland and how that can be prevented in the future. On this level also, Stevens' work is flawed. Nothing went wrong. The 'system' worked exactly as intended and, in the British Government's eyes, it worked perfectly. The policy in Northern Ireland was – and may yet be – to harness the killing potential of Loyalist paramilitaries, to increase that potential through additional resources in the shape of weapons and information and to direct those resources against selected targets so that the Government could be rid of its enemies. Simple policy. Simple operation. Simply chilling.

            We are convinced beyond any doubt that Britain's policy included amongst its victims one lawyer the rule of law could not stop. I refer, of course, to my late father, Patrick Finucane. His murder is just one example of what the British Government was prepared to do in order to further its own ends, but he is not the only casualty. My family and I call upon the British Government once again to establish a full independent judicial public inquiry into the murder of Patrick Finucane and the policy of collusion with Loyalist paramilitaries. The findings of the international judge, Peter Cory, should also be made public at this time.

            Many people were murdered by these agents of the British State and this is the real price of Sir John Steven's report. It has been paid for not just with public money but with the lives of many people and it is for them and their families that the truth must be known."

            ENDS.

          Press Statement from Amnesty International, British Irish Rights Watch, the Committee on the Administration of Justice, Human Rights Watch and the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights

16th APRIL 2003

"In the Finucane case, nothing short of a full, public, international, impartial and independent judicial inquiry will do."

            Tomorrow, Sir John Stevens, the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, will deliver his long-awaited report on his third investigation into matters of collusion in Northern Ireland, known as "Stevens 3", to the Chief Constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland.

            In view of this, Amnesty International, British Irish Rights Watch, the Committee on the Administration of Justice, Human Rights Watch and the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights renew their call on the UK authorities to establish forthwith a full, public, international, independent and impartial judicial inquiry into all the circumstances surrounding the 1989 killing of human rights lawyer Patrick Finucane.

            According to credible media claims, the "Stevens 3" team had originally prepared a 45-page summary of the full report for publication. The full report, which runs to 3,000 pages, will not be made public.

            However, it appears now that only a 15-page summary of the full report is to be published tomorrow. The apparent explanation for this two-thirds reduction in length is the need to prevent prejudicial material capable of undermining future potential prosecutions from being made public. Given that Sir John Stevens, one of the UK's most experienced police officers, would presumably have signed off on the original 45-page summary, this explanation beggars belief. The human rights organizations are concerned that the original summary of the full report may have been drastically cut so as to shield some of its contents from public scrutiny.

            This concern underscores yet again the need for the kind of scrutiny that only a public judicial inquiry can bring to the allegations of collusion by state agents with Loyalist paramilitaries in Patrick Finucane's killing. These allegations include claims that the killing of Patrick Finucane was the result of state policy. The evidence of collusion and subsequent cover-ups in the case implicates at least three intelligence agencies: the Special Branch of the former Royal Ulster Constabulary, whose members have been assimilated into the current Police Service of Northern Ireland; the British Army's secret intelligence unit known as the Force Research Unit; and MI5, the UK's secret service.

            The recent death of Brian Nelson, the British Army agent who had directly assisted Loyalist paramilitaries in the targeting of Patrick Finucane for assassination, further underlines the need for the immediate establishment of a public inquiry. Continuing to delay such an inquiry may well result in other key testimonies eventually avoiding public scrutiny.

            The five international and domestic human rights non-governmental organizations believe that only a public, international, independent and impartial judicial inquiry adequately resourced and with full powers to subpoena witnesses and compel the disclosure of documents can reveal the full truth surrounding the killing of Patrick Finucane. It will be essential to consider all the circumstances surrounding the killing of Patrick Finucane, including evidence of other killings resulting from the same policies and practices which led to his death.

"This is a period for republicans to remain resolute," the IRA said in its Easter message, its second public statement in four days.

            Although the leadership of the Irish Republican Army says it is not possible, at this moment, to give a definitive comment on ongoing developments, it says that it "shared concepts and draft elements on a range of issues with the British and Dublin governments" on Sunday. The statement confirms that the following day, a finalised statement was passed to the two governments, which the Army will publish in due course.

            The Army says that it continues to monitor events very closely.

            "There has been much anger and annoyance among republicans at the media spins and leaks over recent days that have attempted to misrepresent our position," it continues.

            "We know that the majority of republicans have not seen the statement that was passed to the two governments.

            "We ask people to remain patient. We know that republicans will understand the sensitivities of the current situation.

            "We will speak for ourselves at the appropriate time.

            "This is a period for republicans to remain resolute.

            “The onus remains on the two governments and the political parties to fulfil their obligations and commitments."

The following statement from the leadership of the Irish Republican Army was received by An Phoblacht (Republican News) on Sunday, April 13.

"Following approaches from others, the leadership of the IRA undertook to draw up a statement setting out our views on recent developments in the peace process. We did so because of our commitment to this process and our desire to see it succeed.

            In this context, we decided to give our attitude on:

            ·the current disposition of óglaigh na héireann and the status of our cessation,

            ·our future intentions,

            ·our attitude to a re-engagement with the IICD and engagement in a process of putting arms beyond use,

            ·a third act of putting arms beyond use to be verified under the agreed scheme.

            We shared concepts and draft elements on these matters with others and now, following an internal consultation, we have closed on a statement which will be passed to the two governments.

            We stand ready to issue it in due course."

P O'Neill
Irish Republican Publicity Bureau
Dublin

A public meeting on how the “war on terror” is violating basic democratic rights, organised by the Haldane Society and the Campaign Against Criminalising Communities.

§          7pm, Tuesday 13 May 2003

§          Moses Room, Houses of Parliament, Westminster (St. Stephen's entrance)

Speakers:

§          Michael Mansfield QC , president, Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers

§          Gareth Peirce , human rights lawyer

§          Sait Akgul , Chair, Federation of Kurdish Associations UK

§          Rashid Massoudi , Algerian human rights campaigner

§          Mohammed Suleyman , co-ordinator, Kashmir Information Centre

§          Jagdeesh Singh , Punjab Watch and South Asia Watch

§          Dagmar , Fairford protester

§          Mark Thomas

§          Hosted by Lord Rea

Well before the Twin Towers attack, anti-terrorist legislation broadened the definition of terrorism to encompass a wide range of political activities. That gave further momentum to the persecution of asylum seekers and Muslims in particular. In addition, democratic protest is increasingly prohibited or deterred through arbitrary police action.

The London Political Forum

Is holding a discussion and report-back meeting tonight

Wednesday, April 23, 2003 – 7.30 p.m.

Marx House, 37a Clerkenwell Green, EC1R 0DU

(Nearest Tube: Farringdon)

 

"Nothing Bush and Blair … do now will change the truth of their great crime in Iraq. It is a matter of record, understood by the majority of humanity." – John Pilger

Speakers from CND, JustPeaceUK, People’s Assembly Delegates, and others.

The London Political Forum can be contacted at: 170 Wandsworth Road, London SW8 2LA.

Tel: 020 7627 0599; e-mail londonpf2003@yahoo.co.uk; website www.geocities.com/londonpf2003